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Tension al maximo en frontera Rusia-Ucrania, mientras en Sláviansk severos combates internos

Bola_8 dijo:
Llevan 2 años con las "tropas ucranianas desmoralizadas" según fuentes sacadas de telegram

Ahora si que si cae Kiev...y para eso, llegaron los Avenger de Pionyang


Guerra qlia insufrible e interminable
Click para expandir ...
son 2 mil paginas, algun resumen?
 
1. Avión de combate Su-34 de las Fuerzas Aeroespaciales Rusas (VKS) lanzó sendas bombas de alto poder FAB-3000 sobre las posiciones de las Fuerzas Armadas de Ucrania entre las regiones de Sumy y Kursk.

 
1. Reporte de campo - Kursk.

- Funcionarios del Estado Mayor de las Fuerzas Armadas de Ucrania informaron que Kiev ordenó al comandante en jefe Alexander Syrsky que siga enviando tropas y material militar hacia la región de Sumy para después redirigirlos a Kursk.

- Syrsky cumplió dichas órdenes al transferir dos brigadas adicionales a Sumy junto con las últimas entregas de material bélico OTAN llegadas semanas atrás.

- Sin embargo el Pentágono solicitó a los dirigentes del régimen ucraniano que ahorren tropas y equipos.

 
Maricueca dijo:
El convoy está por llegar a kiev :lol3:
Click para expandir ...

la virada dura hasta que gane trumpete y asuma el cargo...ya dijo que no le va a mandar mas plata al comediante. sin dinero para robar, no va a seguir con la guerra, que a todo esto, se convirtio en el patio de pruebas para las nuevas armas de la guerra del siglo XXI
 
Koipito dijo:
El cowboy esta atrapado en kursk :lol3:
Click para expandir ...
:buenaonda::buenaonda:
Ser un ignorante de tomo y lomo
No saber leer/analizar
Ser fracasao

The Impending Betrayal of Ukraine​

Tim Willasey-Wilsey CM

Ukraine faces a precarious future amid waning Western support. The immediate peril comes from the 2024 US presidential election, but the fundamental problem has been the failure of Europe to commit to the defeat of Putin’s invasion.

The new NATO Secretary General, Mark Rutte, lost no time in visiting Kyiv after he assumed office, where he ‘pledged continued support for Ukraine in its war with Russia’. Doubtless his words were sincerely intended, but he knows there are serious political headwinds across Europe and the US.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky senses this too as he briefs his ‘Victory Plan’ around European capitals following a mixed reception in Washington.

The forthcoming presidential election in the US represents the point of maximum danger. A win by Donald Trump could see him placing a phone call to Russian President Vladimir Putin as early as 6 November. Any such call would set expectations of a negotiated settlement, with discussions possibly beginning in the early months of 2025.

Nobody should want this war of ‘meat grinder’ savagery to continue a day longer than necessary. However, Zelensky would have much to fear from a deal negotiated by Trump. The 2020 Doha Accords with the Afghan Taliban have been described as the worst diplomatic agreement since Munich in 1938. Fortunately, Trump was prevented from reaching a similarly disastrous deal with Kim Jong-un of North Korea.


In any such deal, Zelensky would be unlikely to secure the recovery of Crimea and the Donbas, reparations for the massive damage to his country, war crimes trials or membership of NATO. He might be able to bargain the Kursk salient in return for control of the Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant. But, without NATO membership and its Article 5 guarantee, there would be nothing to stop Putin from continuing the war after a couple of years of recovery and rearmament.


For Europe, too, there would be peril. Both Georgia and Moldova look particularly fragile and vulnerable to Russian active measures or hybrid warfare. Even the Baltics would be justifiably nervous, in spite of their NATO status.

However, it would be misleading to blame everything on Trump. There have been plenty of prior indications of trouble ahead.

US support has always been too little, too late. Given the sheer scale of Washington’s military support this might sound absurd, but President Joe Biden’s hesitancy in allowing Storm Shadow missiles to be used against targets inside Russia is indicative of a general trend. As the head of a global superpower, Biden has always had one eye on ensuring that the war does not get out of hand and become nuclear. The result has been that Ukraine feels it has been given enough not to lose but not enough to win.

In Europe the support has been varied. Some countries, such as the Baltics, the Scandinavian states, the UK and Poland, have done better than others. Hungary has been hostile, and may soon be joined by Slovakia and Austria. Germany has provided the most weapons but has been politically unreliable. Its refusal to supply Taurus missiles and its public debate about reducing its defence budget have sent all the wrong messages. German companies continue to retain significant interests in Russia, and the advance of Alternative for Germany in elections in Thuringia, Saxony and Brandenburg reminded Chancellor Olaf Scholz that there is little support for the war in Eastern Germany. President Emmanuel Macron of France, having been mercurial about Ukraine from the outset, received a similar jolt from the far left and far right in legislative elections in July.


The most visible sign of a failure of collective determination to defeat Russia was the decision not to seize Russian financial assets frozen in Western banks, but instead to use them as collateral to raise a much smaller loan. Yes, there would have been a theoretical risk of undermining faith in the Western-dominated financial system, but few countries are yet ready to entrust their savings to Chinese or Indian banks. Furthermore, it would have sent a message to Putin not to invade other countries.

Meanwhile, the crisis in the Middle East has diverted foreign policy and public attention. In Iraq and Afghanistan 20 years ago, the West demonstrated that it does not have the policy bandwidth to cope with two simultaneous campaigns. The events since 7 October 2023 have done untold damage to Ukraine’s prospects and to the West’s much-vaunted rules-based international order.

A newly elected President Trump would rightly claim that, once again, the US has shouldered the main burden of Western interests with inadequate support from its NATO allies. He would point (correctly again) to the mounting military pressure on Ukraine, its difficulties in replacing front-line soldiers, and the effects on global food and fuel prices. With the war raging in the Levant, he would refer to the US being over-extended once again in ‘forever wars’.


A newly elected President Kamala Harris could be expected to follow the path trodden by Biden. She would inherit his caution at unduly provoking Putin and his reticence about Ukraine joining NATO. Furthermore, her freedom to supply Ukraine with additional weaponry could be restricted by the make-up of the two houses of Congress.

There could be a third outcome to the election: a Harris victory that is contested by Trump. In such circumstances, we could see an absence of US foreign policy for a period of weeks or months.

Barring a mutiny by Russian forces or a crisis in Moscow, the prospects for Ukraine (and therefore Europe) look grim. The irony is that Putin would claim victory in spite of his campaign having been a costly disaster.

What would a betrayed Ukraine look like? At least it would retain some 82% of its territory. A guilty West would doubtless provide aid to rebuild infrastructure. It might be given a pathway to eventual EU membership (unless that option had been bargained away at the negotiating table), but joining the Western club may have lost its appeal at that point. Ukraine’s corrupt oligarchs would re-emerge from hibernation. The old post-Soviet cynicism would replace the youthful enthusiasm of the Maidan generation. There would be antagonism towards those returning from abroad after avoiding the fight, and – of course – thousands of grieving families.


This should have been Europe’s war to manage. In spite of decades of discussion about European defence, it proved too convenient to rely on US largesse. This made Europe a prisoner of US electoral factors. It also caused Europe to shirk the difficult decisions that helping win the war entailed: the big increases in defence expenditure, the 24-hour working in ammunition factories, the hikes in food and energy costs and the political risks such as seizing frozen assets. What remains now for Europe is to secure a place at the negotiating table and to argue for NATO membership for Ukraine as part of any settlement.

Failing that, the West will have years to repent the betrayal of the courageous Ukrainians, whose only crime was their wish to join the Western democratic order.
www.rusi.org

The Impending Betrayal of Ukraine

Ukraine faces a precarious future amid waning Western support. The immediate peril comes from the 2024 US presidential election, but the fundamental problem has been the failure of Europe to commit to the defeat of Putin’s invasion.
www.rusi.org www.rusi.org
 
WagnerPMC dijo:
Ser un ignorante de tomo y lomo
No saber leer/analizar
Ser fracasao

The Impending Betrayal of Ukraine​

Tim Willasey-Wilsey CM

Ukraine faces a precarious future amid waning Western support. The immediate peril comes from the 2024 US presidential election, but the fundamental problem has been the failure of Europe to commit to the defeat of Putin’s invasion.

The new NATO Secretary General, Mark Rutte, lost no time in visiting Kyiv after he assumed office, where he ‘pledged continued support for Ukraine in its war with Russia’. Doubtless his words were sincerely intended, but he knows there are serious political headwinds across Europe and the US.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky senses this too as he briefs his ‘Victory Plan’ around European capitals following a mixed reception in Washington.

The forthcoming presidential election in the US represents the point of maximum danger. A win by Donald Trump could see him placing a phone call to Russian President Vladimir Putin as early as 6 November. Any such call would set expectations of a negotiated settlement, with discussions possibly beginning in the early months of 2025.

Nobody should want this war of ‘meat grinder’ savagery to continue a day longer than necessary. However, Zelensky would have much to fear from a deal negotiated by Trump. The 2020 Doha Accords with the Afghan Taliban have been described as the worst diplomatic agreement since Munich in 1938. Fortunately, Trump was prevented from reaching a similarly disastrous deal with Kim Jong-un of North Korea.


In any such deal, Zelensky would be unlikely to secure the recovery of Crimea and the Donbas, reparations for the massive damage to his country, war crimes trials or membership of NATO. He might be able to bargain the Kursk salient in return for control of the Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant. But, without NATO membership and its Article 5 guarantee, there would be nothing to stop Putin from continuing the war after a couple of years of recovery and rearmament.


For Europe, too, there would be peril. Both Georgia and Moldova look particularly fragile and vulnerable to Russian active measures or hybrid warfare. Even the Baltics would be justifiably nervous, in spite of their NATO status.

However, it would be misleading to blame everything on Trump. There have been plenty of prior indications of trouble ahead.

US support has always been too little, too late. Given the sheer scale of Washington’s military support this might sound absurd, but President Joe Biden’s hesitancy in allowing Storm Shadow missiles to be used against targets inside Russia is indicative of a general trend. As the head of a global superpower, Biden has always had one eye on ensuring that the war does not get out of hand and become nuclear. The result has been that Ukraine feels it has been given enough not to lose but not enough to win.

In Europe the support has been varied. Some countries, such as the Baltics, the Scandinavian states, the UK and Poland, have done better than others. Hungary has been hostile, and may soon be joined by Slovakia and Austria. Germany has provided the most weapons but has been politically unreliable. Its refusal to supply Taurus missiles and its public debate about reducing its defence budget have sent all the wrong messages. German companies continue to retain significant interests in Russia, and the advance of Alternative for Germany in elections in Thuringia, Saxony and Brandenburg reminded Chancellor Olaf Scholz that there is little support for the war in Eastern Germany. President Emmanuel Macron of France, having been mercurial about Ukraine from the outset, received a similar jolt from the far left and far right in legislative elections in July.


The most visible sign of a failure of collective determination to defeat Russia was the decision not to seize Russian financial assets frozen in Western banks, but instead to use them as collateral to raise a much smaller loan. Yes, there would have been a theoretical risk of undermining faith in the Western-dominated financial system, but few countries are yet ready to entrust their savings to Chinese or Indian banks. Furthermore, it would have sent a message to Putin not to invade other countries.

Meanwhile, the crisis in the Middle East has diverted foreign policy and public attention. In Iraq and Afghanistan 20 years ago, the West demonstrated that it does not have the policy bandwidth to cope with two simultaneous campaigns. The events since 7 October 2023 have done untold damage to Ukraine’s prospects and to the West’s much-vaunted rules-based international order.

A newly elected President Trump would rightly claim that, once again, the US has shouldered the main burden of Western interests with inadequate support from its NATO allies. He would point (correctly again) to the mounting military pressure on Ukraine, its difficulties in replacing front-line soldiers, and the effects on global food and fuel prices. With the war raging in the Levant, he would refer to the US being over-extended once again in ‘forever wars’.


A newly elected President Kamala Harris could be expected to follow the path trodden by Biden. She would inherit his caution at unduly provoking Putin and his reticence about Ukraine joining NATO. Furthermore, her freedom to supply Ukraine with additional weaponry could be restricted by the make-up of the two houses of Congress.

There could be a third outcome to the election: a Harris victory that is contested by Trump. In such circumstances, we could see an absence of US foreign policy for a period of weeks or months.

Barring a mutiny by Russian forces or a crisis in Moscow, the prospects for Ukraine (and therefore Europe) look grim. The irony is that Putin would claim victory in spite of his campaign having been a costly disaster.

What would a betrayed Ukraine look like? At least it would retain some 82% of its territory. A guilty West would doubtless provide aid to rebuild infrastructure. It might be given a pathway to eventual EU membership (unless that option had been bargained away at the negotiating table), but joining the Western club may have lost its appeal at that point. Ukraine’s corrupt oligarchs would re-emerge from hibernation. The old post-Soviet cynicism would replace the youthful enthusiasm of the Maidan generation. There would be antagonism towards those returning from abroad after avoiding the fight, and – of course – thousands of grieving families.


This should have been Europe’s war to manage. In spite of decades of discussion about European defence, it proved too convenient to rely on US largesse. This made Europe a prisoner of US electoral factors. It also caused Europe to shirk the difficult decisions that helping win the war entailed: the big increases in defence expenditure, the 24-hour working in ammunition factories, the hikes in food and energy costs and the political risks such as seizing frozen assets. What remains now for Europe is to secure a place at the negotiating table and to argue for NATO membership for Ukraine as part of any settlement.

Failing that, the West will have years to repent the betrayal of the courageous Ukrainians, whose only crime was their wish to join the Western democratic order.
www.rusi.org

The Impending Betrayal of Ukraine

Ukraine faces a precarious future amid waning Western support. The immediate peril comes from the 2024 US presidential election, but the fundamental problem has been the failure of Europe to commit to the defeat of Putin’s invasion.
www.rusi.org www.rusi.org
Click para expandir ...
Por lo menos copia y traduce la wea :thumbdown: :ear2:
 
1. Radar israelí RADA ieMHR en uso por las Fuerzas Armadas de Ucrania fue destruido por operadores rusos de drones kamikazes Lancet-3 en la zona de Novosergeevka en la región de Zaporozhye.



2. Furgoneta de Reclutamiento de las Fuerzas Armadas de Ucrania fue quemada por civiles en la ciudad de Vinnitsa en el marco de la desobediencia civil frente a la política de secuestros para aumentar la cantidad de tropas.



3. Reporte de campo - Donbás.
- Funcionarios del Estado Mayor de las Fuerzas Armadas de Ucrania revelaron que Andriy Yermak, jefe del gobierno en Kiev, tiene trazado un plan donde se entregue el Donbás a la Federación Rusa para que esta tenga en mente una invasión a la región de Dnipropetrovsk para obligar a la OTAN a suministrar paquetes de asistencia militar adicionales.
- Altos mandos de las Fuerzas Armadas de Ucrania califican este modus viviendi del gobierno de Kiev como la victoria de las pequeñeces políticas sobre lo militar.

 
1. Reporte de campo - Kurakhovo.
- Fuentes de terreno de las Fuerzas Armadas de Ucrania informan que Rusia inició maniobras ofensivas en mayor escala que las observadas en días previos para capturar la zona urbana de Kurakhovo.
- Se destaca que la artillería rusa está funcionando sin pausa desde varias horas atrás y hay constante fuego blindado.



2. Funcionarios de la Oficina de la Presidencia de Ucrania afirman, que Andriy Yermak ordenó al Ministerio de Interior que ponga a disposición sus agentes para el reclutamiento de civiles en la vía pública debido a los pobres resultados de los oficiales de reclutamiento y la Policía Nacional.

 
Incertidumbre en las elecciones en Moldavia: la diáspora decide

El ex fiscal estatal Aleksandar Stojanoglo lidera las elecciones presidenciales en Moldavia con un 50,81%, mientras que Maja Sandu, la actual jefa de Estado, obtuvo un 49,19%, anunció la Comisión Electoral Central.

Se han procesado el 90 por ciento de las actas de los colegios electorales
Post automatically merged:

Las esperanzas frustradas de Ucrania, después de tres meses de una operación en Rusia que tenia que cambiar el curso de la guerra

La ofensiva ucraniana lanzada hacia Kursk a principios de agosto no cambió el equilibrio de poder en el conflicto. Kiev, que espera llegar a la mesa de negociaciones con una ganancia territorial, todavía carece de recursos humanos y materiales.

El 10 de octubre, una unidad de infantería ucraniana compuesta por treinta soldados todavía controlaba, durante algunas horas, la aldea de Snagost, en el flanco occidental de la incursión de las fuerzas de Kiev hacia Kursk, en territorio ruso. Su líder, “Kolot” por su nombre de guerra, herido por metralla, logró evitar el cerco y retirarse con sus hombres hacia Lyubimovka, cuatro kilómetros más al este.

Aquí es donde se sitúa, aún hoy, la nueva línea de frente lateral para un ataque lanzado por Ucrania a principios de agosto, con la esperanza de cambiar el curso de la guerra. “Los rusos avanzan lentamente, pero avanzan”, afirmó el 16 de octubre “Kolot”, de 37 años, con la gorra atornillada hasta las orejas, regresando al búnker subterráneo del segundo batallón de la 17.ª brigada de tanques. en la frontera del pueblo ucraniano y el desierto de Younakivka.

A su lado, el jefe del batallón, conocido como "el Griego" -para homenajear su práctica de la lucha grecorromana- no se muestra más entusiasmado con la operación ucraniana llevada a cabo en territorio ruso. “Durante las maniobras alrededor de Lyubimovka, los documentos y equipos abandonados por los rusos nos hicieron comprender su nivel de inteligencia sobre nuestras fuerzas y nuestros movimientos”, afirma. También deplora la falta de recursos: “Donde ponemos una sección, ponen una compañía entera; donde nosotros cavamos refugios básicos, ellos construyen fortificaciones dignas del cuartel general de un batallón. »
 
Yuriy Ignat confirma que la Fuerza Aérea de Ucrania está transfiriendo parte de su personal para servir como infantería.

GbesxocbcAANyto

Koipito dijo:
Esta tan cagado el super ejercito que comenzo a involucrar a corea del norte :burlones:
Click para expandir ...
:buenaonda: :buenaonda:
 
En qué otra guerra ha participado corea del norte como ahora, involucrandose por un 3ro ?

Su participación de the Best Corea es equivalente a mover una torre en el tablero de ajedrez del eje del mal ?

Putin realizó el miércoles pasado un ensayo nuclear que nadie ha comentado, simulando una respuesta a un ataque y dijo fue exitoso


Que opina el antroniane del canal yt
"negocios tv" habla todos los días del acontecer mundial, mucha OTAN, BRICS, China, USA, Irán, Hezbollah, Israel, etc


Atacará Irán a Israel está semana :orejon:


 
1. Reporte de campo - Kursk.
- Fuentes de terreno de las Fuerzas Armadas de Ucrania revelaron que hay dos calderos de tropas ucranianas en la región rusa de Kursk y están en las zonas de Novoivanovka y Lenidovo.
- Los últimos esfuerzos de redirecciones de tropas en Sumy están enfocados en ir en ayuda de ambos calderos pero los elementos aéreos rusos impiden una adecuada aproximación.
- Se advierte que Rusia tiene un arsenal apropiado para atacar a las columnas blindadas que salen de Sumy en dirección a Kursk.

 
1. Sistemas rusos de artillería termobárica TOS-1A Solntsepek atacaron los alrededores de la ciudad de Jarkov.



2. Reporte de campo - Norte de Kurakhovo.
- Fuentes de las Fuerzas Armadas de Ucrania afirman que las zonas de Ilyinka, Novodmitrovka y Novoselidovka están prácticamente en manos de los rusos tras los combates de las últimas horas.
- Estas fuentes recalcan que es imposible lograr la estabilización del frente en este punto.

 
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